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NCAA president Mark Emmert has been under fire from all directions lately. And in ’16, they pulled events out of North Carolina. The Associated Press estimated in ’17 that the bathroom bill might have cost North Carolina $3.76 billion in lost business. “My frustration is that [the NCAA has] had multiple opportunities to make a statement, to take action, to state their stance,” says Chris Mosier, an activist and Team USA trans duathlete. “And, you know, they have a lot of power in that. Many of these states rely on NCAA events to draw money and tourism and sports betting to their states, to their cities.” He adds, though, that since most of the bans have not taken effect yet, he believes there’s still time for the NCAA to adjust its stance. But will it? The experts who spoke to SI aren’t sure. The governing body is balancing a lot of weighty issues right now, including COVID-19 protocols; name, image and likeness legislation; growing demands to pay athletes, especially following this week’s Supreme Court ruling ; and the gender equity review it commissioned from an outside firm in March in response to a national outcry over the differences in conditions at the men’s and women’s basketball tournaments. “They’re juggling flaming knives right now, and this is just another flaming knife that’s thrown into the mix,” says Gabe Feldman, a professor at Tulane’s law school who specializes in sports law. The nature of the legislation and the debate surrounding it is also a factor. The North Carolina bathroom bill was limited to one state, which likely created less “internal strife” in the NCAA, says Timothy Davis, a Wake Forest Law professor specializing in sports law. While other states had attempted to pass bathroom bills, many had already failed by the time the NCAA acted, so it was effectively an isolated problem in a single state. Moreover, North Carolina was already facing widespread condemnation: Everyone from Bruce Springsteen to the NBA had already pulled events from the state by the time the NCAA made its move, six months after the bill went into effect. In addition to the NCAA’s track record for moving cautiously, the difference in political climate between 2016 and ’21 can’t be overlooked, says Ashland Johnson, founder of The Inclusion Playbook , a sports consultancy that works with teams and leagues, including the NCAA, on diversity issues. With the nation more polarized now than even five years ago and Republicans from the top down seeking to make trans participation in sports a wedge issue heading into 2022, Johnson says, organizations—whether big companies or sports leagues—are more hesitant to weigh in. The North Carolina bill was also clearly anti-trans, while this nationwide push is more nuanced and “covert,” Fry says, because it’s ostensibly an earnest debate about fairness in women’s athletics as opposed to an outright attack. The science around trans athletes is slim and unsettled—it has not been proved that trans girls and women, who at higher levels of competition are required to go through hormone therapy, retain any advantage over their cisgender peers. And lawmakers pushing through these bills can hardly point toward examples , outside of a case in Connecticut, where trans athletes’ participation in sports has created controversy. The NCAA’s existing policy on trans participation has been administered more or less without controversy for the last 10 years. This time around, though, big-name brands and entertainers aren’t lining up to fight.

https://www.si.com/college/2021/06/23/trans-athlete-ban-ncaa-pressure-daily-cover

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Econ students learn details of exactly which deposits get included in precise measures like M1 and M2. This detail is not important here. What is important is that the money supply, relative to the amounts of goods and services offered for sale, drives inflation. If the money supply grows faster over a certain period than see here output of goods and services, prices of these tend to rise. This is inflation. If the money supply grows more slowly than output, prices fall. There is deflation. Understand that this is in very general, intro-Econ-level terms. It focuses on using money to buy consumable goods or services, not longer-term things like land. It also ignores people exchanging ready cash for longer-term and less-liquid things like stocks and bonds. Also understand that while virtually all economists still see this basic dynamic — available money versus available goods and services — as the underlying determinant of general price levels (another way of saying inflation and deflation), the relationship not nearly as direct and instantaneous as long assumed. By conventional wisdom, that postulated years earlier by Nobelist Milton Friedman, the degree of money-supply expansion the Fed implemented from 2009 to now should have caused roaring consumer inflation very quickly. It hasn’t. This leads some to argue “we are in a new economy.” This echoes, “this time it is different” — the most dangerous words in centuries of economic history. Now look at interest rates, the second part of our reader’s question. Just as there are markets for goods and services, there are other markets for money itself. Not everyone holding money wants to buy things right now. They may prefer to hold it now so they can spend in the future. Meanwhile, such savers want to earn the highest possible return on it, essentially charging the other people who want to spend more money now than they currently own themselves, and thus borrowing. Money from savers is loaned to borrowers for a fee, largely through the intermediaries of banks and other financial institutions.

https://www.twincities.com/2021/07/18/real-world-economics-interest-and-inflation-rates-both-rooted-in-money-supply/